Let’s talk about punks.
Not jolly old Jonny Rotten and the Sex Pistols screaming into microphones at the Central School of Art and Design on the evening of November the 6th, 1975 ( I was there that night, my only claim to fame), nor the Ramones cry for sedation in September 1978, but the original punks.
In its older American slang usage, “punk” denoted a young hoodlum or petty criminal—someone on the fringes of society, often defined by low-level violence, thievery, or rebelliousness (Flexner, 1976)
Putin is a punk.
Debates about Vladimir Putin’s rise to power and the nature of his rule frequently invoke the language of organized crime. Various investigative journalists, dissidents, and political scientists have likened his leadership style to that of a crime boss or mafia don, pointing to his extensive network of former security service operatives (the siloviki), suppression of dissent through often violent means, and intricate systems of patronage and corruption that benefit loyalists while punishing adversaries (Belton, 2020; Dawisha, 2014; Gessen, 2012). Although the Kremlin denies these characterizations, the convergence of intimidation, loyalty-based distribution of resources, and persistent allegations of extralegal violence lend credence to the portrayal of Putin as a “punk” in power—someone whose methods and worldview align more closely with organized crime than transparent governance.
Trump is a punk
From the 1970s onward, Trump operated in the notoriously tough and mafia-influenced New York construction sector (O’Brien, 2005). Various investigative reports have pointed out Trump’s encounters with individuals linked to organized crime, including certain union leaders and real estate figures reputed to have mob ties. While many developers in New York inevitably crossed paths with such figures, critics argue that Trump’s familiarity with this environment inculcated a casual acceptance of intimidation and reciprocal favors (Cohen, 2020, pp. 25–32).
Trump’s frequent verbal assaults against journalists—labeling them “enemies of the people” or “fake news”—and his threats to revoke press credentials or sue media outlets illustrate a penchant for intimidation. While political figures often clash with the press, Trump’s language of “domination” and “enemy” stands out for its vitriolic, personal nature (Wolff, 2018).
Trump’s trajectory—from his brash beginnings in the New York real estate market to his tumultuous presidency—exhibits patterns of intimidation, legal brinksmanship, personal loyalty demands, and clandestine dealmaking that critics argue align closely with the mindset of a crime boss (Cohen, 2020; Woodward, 2018; Wolff, 2018). Whether viewed through the prism of mafia analogies or simply as a hyper-aggressive business and political style, these tactics—backed by credible testimony and extensive media coverage—reveal a willingness to weaponize fear, secrecy, and misinformation. While not a direct parallel to traditional organized crime, Trump’s methods and attitudes bear striking resemblance to gangster-like behavior, making a compelling case that, in practical terms, “Trump is a punk.”
Putin and Trump
The evolving relationship between Vladimir Putin and Donald Trump has elements reminiscent of rival crime bosses who balance public admiration, back-channel negotiations, intimidation tactics, and opportunistic alliances. Whether in the form of private meetings with minimal transparency, the mutual exchange of flattery and suspicion, or the strategic manipulation of media narratives, each leader’s behavior resonates with the punk ethos—favoring personal loyalty and transactional advantage over adherence to conventional institutional norms.
By applying the crime-boss lens, we can better understand how Putin and Trump might have navigated each other’s “territories,” testing boundaries and probing weaknesses much like underworld figures might do. Though there is no definitive criminal case labeling either man a mafia don, the parallels—particularly in their mutual cultivation of loyalty, the handling of critics, and the willingness to exploit chaos for personal gain—offer a compelling illustration of how two ‘alpha’ figures, each recognized for a combative style, can resemble bosses in a global game of gangster-like power politics.
So we are dealing with punks, or at the very least, mindsets that overlap those of the archetypal punk to an exceptional, even an alarming degree.
Whaddya -gonna -do- about it: yup